Author Archive

Land of the mostly free?

Posted by Rob Natelson on Jan 24 2010 | Economics, Uncategorized

The Index of Economic Freedom, 2010 edition, is now available.  The U.S. ranks 8th in the world, but has slipped into the “mostly free” from the “free” category.  As usual, Hong Kong and Singapore lead the pack.  Also in front of the U.S. are Switzerland and four other “Anglosphere” countries — Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, and Canada.  Please note that the Index measures economic and not political or social freedom.  While in general, the three tend to go together, there are significant exceptions:  Singapore, for example, as a great deal of economic freedom but much less political freedom.

Some people ask how “socialist” Canada can be more economically free than the U.S.  The answer is that although the Canadian public sector is still probably larger than ours (mostly because of their health care behemoth), Canada does better on other measures:

“Canada performs particularly well in business freedom, financial freedom, property rights, and freedom from corruption. Straightforward regulations facilitate entrepreneurial activity. Overall, regulation is thorough but essentially transparent. A strong rule of law ensures property rights and equitable application of the commercial code.”

Like the U.S., Britain slipped badly.  Among the countries with significantly improved scores were Switzerland, South Korea, and Qatar.

The Index is a joint venture of the Wall Street Journal and the Heritage Foundation.

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On the new free speech case . . .

Posted by Rob Natelson on Jan 21 2010 | Uncategorized

Here are some quick comments on the Supreme Court’s opinion in Citizens United v. FEC:

* The Court voided a federal law insofar as the law banned independent election expenses by corporations and labor unions on behalf of a candidate. Direct corporate or union contributions to a candidate’s campaign were not at issue. Justice Kennedy wrote the opinion. Continue Reading »

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Are federal health insurance mandates constitutional?

Posted by Rob Natelson on Dec 11 2009 | U.S. Constitution

There have been some on-line discussions recently of whether a federal mandate that individuals obtain health insurance would violate the U.S. Constitution. This issue is distinct from the issue of whether other sorts of government health programs – such as single-payer – would be constitutional.

It is also distinct from whether states can impose insurance mandates.  They can:  States have general governmental powers.  But the federal government has only the powers enumerated (listed) by the Constitution.

Let us be clear at the outset that federal involvement in health care (except in a few isolated instances, such as federal employee benefits) certainly violates the Constitution as that document was originally understood. I have now spent nearly twenty-years of my life researching and publishing scholarly studies on the Founding-Era record, and I have found no significant evidence that those who wrote and ratified the Constitution thought federal power would extend to health care.  Quite the contrary:  When the Constitution was being promoted to the public, one of the big selling points was that regulation of all such matters would remain exclusively with the states.

So for those who subscribe to the widely-held view that the Constitution, like any other legal document, means today what it meant when adopted (aside from amendments), there is no real question: Federal health care mandates are unconstitutional.

The more-discussed point, however, is whether such mandates are within the federal government’s authority as that authority is applied by the Supreme Court today. More specifically, does the mandate qualify under Congress’s Commerce Power as a law “necessary and proper for carrying into Execution” the power “To regulate Commerce . . . among the several States. . . ?” Continue Reading »

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Congressional avoidance – then and now

Posted by Rob Natelson on Dec 01 2009 | Uncategorized

Americans have been dipping into the history of the Founding Era for clues as to how to get our country out of its current mess.

Here’s an instructive story: In 1783, the Constitution had not yet been written, and Congress was operating under the Articles of Confederation. Congress had no ability to enforce its laws, no power to tax, and could not even meet its obligations to the newly-victorious Continental Army. Debts kept mounting up. In one humiliating incident, Congress felt compelled to flee from Philadelphia when armed troops demanding their back pay physically surrounded the congressional meeting-place at Independence Hall.

Congress re-convened in Princeton, New Jersey. Once there, the delegates started to talk about how it would be a great idea to have a national capitol in a district of its own. But Congress couldn’t agree on where the capitol district would be located. Votes were taken on locations in each of the thirteen states, and they were all voted down. More importantly, Congress was completely broke — it simply had no money to build a capitol.

Faced with a crisis, some of the delegates had an idea. If having one national capitol wasn’t feasible, then they would propose building TWO national capitols – one on the Delaware River, and one on the Potomac. And that’s just what Congress voted to do!

The lesson for today: The biggest domestic national crisis, almost every impartial observer agrees, consists of the massive and unfunded entitlement programs sweeping the federal government toward default and bankruptcy. The second biggest problem is health care costs — rising crazily because the government has replaced the traditional doctor-patient relationship with huge bureaucracies of “third party payers” ( government agencies and insurance companies).

The obvious cure for both problems is to find ways to disengage government and return these services to the free market. But both of those solutions are off the congressional agenda. Instead,  a majority in Congress wants expansion of entitlements and third-party payments

Politicians haven’t changed much.

What finally cured the problems of the 1780s was a new Constitution that restructured Congress and clearly defined its powers. It’s becoming more and more clear that it is also going to take some fundamental change to deal with modern congressional irresponsibility — probably a constitutional amendment or two.

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So what do we do now? Advice for tea-partyers

Posted by Rob Natelson on Nov 09 2009 | Uncategorized

The recent election results in Virginia and New Jersey – representing in part a strong repudiation of the threats to freedom over the past year – have energized many pro-liberty activists. It is imperative that we keep the pressure on. 

But we can be sure the other side will try to trick us into damaging statements in order to discredit us, or lure us into time-wasting strategies.  So here are a few things to remember: 

*          Let’s keep our eye on the ball. The ultimate goal of most in the pro-freedom and “Tea Party” movements is to restore constitutional limits to the federal government. Our Constitution – not any peripheral or personal causes – is what we are working for.

 *          Swarm, swarm, swarm.  The focus for the short-term has to be to continue to “swarm” our elected representatives, get in their faces, and tell them over and over that more deficit spending or tax increases are simply unacceptable. So also is any major expansion of government control, particularly a takeover of heath care.

 *          Restoring limits on the feds.  The focus long-term has to be one or more constitutional amendments to put the federal government’s house back in order and protect future generations from the kinds of assaults on our freedom we have faced over the last year. When a system breaks down, sometimes you have to patch up to set it right — just as our fathers and grandfathers adopted the 22nd Amendment to re-establish the two-term presidential tradition that Franklin Roosevelt had disregarded.  That’s our situation now.

 *          2010 elections. The focus medium-term is now the 2010 elections – not just for Congress, but particularly on the state level. This is because constitutional amendments to curb Congress’s powers are probably not going to come from Congress. The states will have to use the Constitution’s state-proposal procedure.

 *          Don’t let the bad guys marginalize you. Talk of actions such as secession suggest that we are the ones willing to destroy our constitutional system – when in fact the opposition has that dubious distinction.

 *          Work smart.  The other side has a lot of people who work full-time in politics or who work for the government, which sometimes amounts to nearly the same thing.  That’s in addition to Soros money.  So we have to carefully husband our resources – devote your time and energy only to things that make sense in view of our goals. 

*          Don’t waste your time on impossible causes.  Here are a few causes that are certain time-wasters: (1) impeaching Obama (impossible while the Dems control Congress, even assuming there are grounds to do so), (2) recalling U.S. Senators or Congressmen before their terms are up (there is no recall procedure authorized by the Constitution or federal law), and (3) secession movements (which, besides conceding the Constitution to the other side, overlooks the fact that they have the nuclear weapons). 

*          Again, keep your eyes on the ball – restore the Constitution. That means letters to the editor, candidate identification, working in the political party of your choice, fundraising, keeping in touch with others in the pro-freedom movement, and educating yourself by reading websites like The Cauldron and listening to great commentators like Jon Caldara. 

Rob Natelson is a constitutional law professor at the University of Montana, and runner-up in the 2000 “open primary” for Governor of Montana. His opinions are his own, and should not be attributed to any other person or institution.

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Are federal campaign finance laws constitutional?

Posted by Rob Natelson on Oct 04 2009 | Uncategorized

     There is an on-going debate about the extent to the First Amendment bars congressional campaign finance limits. That debate is important, but it doesn’t address a more fundamental question: What empowers Congress to regulate congressional campaign finance at all?

         Remember that the Constitution gives Congress only the powers the Constitution lists. All other powers are reserved to the states and people by the Ninth and Tenth amendments.

         Regulation of campaign finance is said to be part of Congress’s power to govern the “Manner” of congressional elections under the Time, Manner, and Place Clause (Article I, Section 4, Clause 1).  That provision says the states shall prescribe “the Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives,” but that Congress may (with one restriction) “make or alter such Regulations.”

         This past summer, I investigated to find out what the Founders meant by the “Manner of holding Elections.” I found a lot of evidence, most of it unexamined by prior researchers. Interestingly, almost all the evidence suggests Congress was not given power to regulate campaign finance. That was a power reserved to the states and the people. Continue Reading »

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“Cash for Clunkers” proves a lemon

Posted by Rob Natelson on Oct 04 2009 | Uncategorized

There is abundant evidence that government “stimulus” programs hurt the economy more than they help.  The auto industry is getting a taste of that right now.  The “Cash for Clunkers” program accelerated sales for a while, but since then car sales have crashed.

But that describes only the damage to the auto business.  Think about all the goods that weren’t bought or the investments that weren’t made because the government diverted all that cash into a one-time spending spree.

Now two economists have put a price tag on the damage.  A new study by Burton A. Abrams and George R. Parsons, both of the University of Delaware, found that the economic damage from the program exceeded the benefit by $2000 per car!

So instead of helping the economy, the “Cash for Clunkers” program made the situation even worse.

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For politicians, “green” means “power”

Posted by Rob Natelson on Sep 27 2009 | Uncategorized

“The words ‘green’ and ‘sustainable’ are everywhere,” writes reporter Betsy Cohen in a Montana daily paper. “Used casually and broadly, they seem to have become attached to nearly every facet of daily life. . . ”

Although the story details how businesses are using “green” and “sustainable” in their marketing, it doesn’t take much investigation to learn that most of the talk along that line is fueled by government agencies (such as the university I work at) and by people who benefit from government.

Of course, the words “green” and “sustainable” actions are proffered alternatives to what is supposed to be a global environmental crisis — a crisis requiring massive expansion of national governments and international regulations.

But one of the most prominent recurring themes in American history is the federal government’s resort to crises – whether real, exaggerated, or wholly imaginary – to expand its power. This is true even when the crisis, if any, was created by government itself.

The Civil War was used to justify suspending the writ of habeas corpus in states where no fighting was taking place. World War I and the “Red scare” supposedly justified throwing dissenters in jail. The Great Depression was an excuse for a vast expansion of federal control over the economy, even though the Depression was largely the federal government’s own fault. World War II was used as a reason to expand that federal control further, and to herd tens of thousands of innocent American citizens of Japanese ancestry into concentration camps. Continue Reading »

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The Supreme Court and campaign finance “reform” — hoisting “progressives” with their own petard

Posted by Rob Natelson on Sep 15 2009 | Uncategorized

The anti-free speech aspects of federal campaign finance reform laws have been getting a lot of attention lately. As those laws come before the Supreme Court, their “progressive” advocates have been urging the Court to be “restrained” rather than “activist,” and uphold those laws.

There is a delicious irony here.

When “progressives” took over the Supreme Court in the twentieth century, they largely re-wrote the Constitution.  Continue Reading »

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Of Eagle Feathers and Unconstitutional Government Favoritism

Posted by Rob Natelson on Sep 11 2009 | Uncategorized

There has been some blog attention (see, e.g., here) recently to a pair of U.S. District Court rulings that the federal Fish and Wildlife Service did not meet legal standards when it limited permission to possess eagle feathers for religious purposes to members of recognized Indian tribes only. (U.S. v. Wilgus & U.S. v. Hardman).

There has been less attention to the constitutionality of the government eagle-feather restrictions.

If you believe that the Constitution, like virtually every other legal document, should construed according to its original meaning, you might well question whether the federal government has power to ban possession of eagle feathers at all. The Constitution gives Congress power to regulate interstate commerce, but the Founding-Era record makes it clear that this did not authorize flat bans on particular kinds of property. So to justify such a ban under the Commerce Power, the government must rely on the very strained interpretations of that power adopted by the modern Supreme Court.

Another possible basis for a federal ban are statutes adopted under migratory bird treaties. The notion that treaties allow Congress to adopt laws outside its enumerated powers was adopted by the Supreme Court in the 20th century. But it, too, has been challenged recently by a top constitutional scholar writing in the nation’s leading law journal.

Still more importantly, the First Amendment prohibits the federal government from creating an “establishment of religion.” And both under the original meaning of the First Amendment and under modern Supreme Court interpretations, the federal government may not favor some religions over others. If a statute directly hampers religious exercise, the government may exempt religious adherents. But the government cannot exempt some of the hampered religions and refuse to exempt others.

While I can’t claim to have researched the subject exhaustively, a rule that limits an exception to Indians in recognized tribes — thereby excluding religions of non-recognized tribes as well as non-Indian religions — certainly looks like a constitutional violation to me.

(Rob Natelson, a leading scholar of the American Founding, teaches Constitutional Law and First Amendment Law at the University of Montana; his opinions, of course, are his own.)

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